The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on Friday conducted elections to fill vacant positions across the country. Unfortunately, the exercise was marred by widespread irregularities, ranging from vote buying and ballot stuffing to intimidation and outright falsification of results. This recurring tragedy compels us to confront a systemic reality: election rigging in Nigeria will not abate until political office is stripped of its financial glamour and redefined as a platform for genuine service.
The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) declares in Section 14(2)(b) that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government.” Yet, in practice, public office in Nigeria has been transformed into the surest escape from poverty and the fastest route to the upper class. Politicians, motivated not by service but by the enormous wealth and privileges of office, corrupt the electoral process to secure victory at all costs.
This desperation explains why INEC, though constitutionally independent (Section 153(1)(f) and Third Schedule, Part I(F)), is frequently compromised. The same politicians who are subject to regulation influence the appointment of the Chairman and Commissioners of INEC (Section 154(1)). Similarly, the judiciary—empowered under Section 6 of the Constitution to be the last hope of the common man—finds itself entangled in political manipulation, as judicial appointments, though emanate from the NJC, albeit made by the President and Governors, subject to Senate or State Assembly confirmation (Sections 231 and 271).
Thus, it is naive to expect INEC and the judiciary to perform impartially when their composition and sustenance are heavily dependent on the very political actors who benefit from their compromise.
In the United States, members of the Federal Election Commission (FEC) are appointed by the President but must be confirmed by the Senate in a bipartisan arrangement, ensuring checks and balances. Judges undergo rigorous public Senate hearings that expose them to scrutiny beyond partisan control.
In South Africa, the Judicial Service Commission appoints judges after a transparent process involving public interviews, civil society participation, and media oversight. The Independent Electoral Commission is equally shielded from executive dominance, as commissioners are selected through an open process overseen by a multiparty and multi-stakeholder panel.
Ghana provides another instructive model: the Electoral Commission is not only independent, but its financial autonomy is constitutionally guaranteed, reducing susceptibility to manipulation.
By contrast, Nigeria’s system leaves INEC and the judiciary at the mercy of political leaders. The Senate and State Assemblies—often controlled by ruling parties—merely rubber-stamp executive choices.
The Nigerian judiciary has repeatedly lamented electoral malpractice. In Buhari v. Obasanjo (2005) 2 NWLR (Pt. 910) 241, the Court of Appeal acknowledged massive irregularities in the 2003 elections but was reluctant to annul the results given the scale of evidence required. Similarly, in Atiku Abubakar v. INEC & Ors (2023) SC. CV/937/2023, the Supreme Court reiterated the need for strict proof in election petitions, but the underlying fact remains: elections are often irredeemably compromised.
In Amaechi v. INEC (2008) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1080) 227, the Supreme Court recognised the pervasive nature of electoral fraud and stressed that the judiciary must not allow itself to be an instrument in legitimising illegality. Yet, systemic dependence on politicians continues to erode judicial neutrality.
Institutional reform is critical, but the deeper solution lies in de-incentivising political office. As long as governance remains a gateway to personal enrichment, politicians will stop at nothing to win. The best way to resolve this problem is to reduce salaries and allowances of political office holders to reflect average national standards, eliminate bloated perks, such as foreign medical trips, convoys, and security votes, and criminalise corruption more aggressively, ensuring that public office becomes the easiest way to jail for looters.
In countries like Singapore, public service is anchored on integrity and severe sanctions for corruption, while in Scandinavian nations, modest remuneration discourages opportunists from seeking office solely for wealth. Nigeria can learn from these examples.
Election rigging persists in Nigeria because the rewards of office are too irresistible. Politicians will continue to corrupt INEC and the judiciary so long as the spoils of victory include unchecked wealth, immunity, and privilege. To break this vicious cycle, political office must be made unattractive to merchants and opportunists. Once public service ceases to be a jackpot and becomes a solemn duty with real consequences for failure, only the educated, selfless, and passionate will aspire to lead. That, and not mere institutional tinkering, is the true pathway to electoral integrity in Nigeria.
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